The apocalyptic destruction wreaked by Hurricane Irma, and now that of the  similarly devastating Hurricane Maria, has momentarily thrust the British Overseas Territories onto the news agenda. But how many people in the UK recognise the Britishness of these towns, villages and communities, populated almost entirely by British passport holders, in diverse territories that have chosen to remain associated with the UK?

The British Overseas Territories rarely get much public profile back in Britain, often being treated as slightly embarrassing anachronistic reminders of Empire. When they do make headlines, it’s often for the wrong reasons, either because of a natural disaster such as Hurricane Irma or, more often because of debates around tax havens.

The ten permanently populated Territories between them have a population of around 250,000 – equivalent to a city the size of Aberdeen, Southampton or Swansea. Many of these people are highly skilled, educated and multilingual. As the UK prepares to leave the European Union these communities give the UK a global footprint and reach few other countries possess. Only France can be said to have a comparable network. Yet tragically the UK often appears neither to particularly value nor understand our Overseas Territories. As such we risk gradually alienating these communities who have stayed with us often through great adversity.

The tragic destruction inflicted by Irma on the people of Anguilla, the British Virgin Islands, The Turks & Caicos, and Montserrat, has triggered a characteristically generous reaction from people in the UK wanting to help. Yet it has also provoked some troubling and sadly familiar views about these and other British Overseas Territories. Michael Binyon in The Times characterised the more moderate of these when he wrote, as the lives of these British communities were still being torn apart by the hurricane, that these territories amounted to ‘an expensive legacy of Empire’.

This narrow focus on cost is far from uncommon in UK discussions of the overseas territories, and you don’t have to look hard on social media for far more extreme and aggressive views which characterise the territories as venal parasites. Tellingly these views come from across the political spectrum, and reach back a long time. Binyon references the famous line from Clare Short, when International Development Secretary, that the victims of a volcano eruption on the British Overseas Territory of Montserrat in 1997 would be ‘asking for gold elephants before too long’ as they sought to recover from the devastation of their island.

In fact, Hurricane Irma was only perhaps the most recent and violent force beyond these communities control to illicit such sentiments. Of the quarter of a million people across the Territories, only the citizens of Gibraltar got to vote on our membership of the EU. Although the other territories are not members in their own right, they will be massively impacted by the decision to leave. In recent submissions to Parliament from each island, official after official made clear how closely each island relies on the European Union for everything from trade and investment to development assistance. Whether this is desirable or not rather misses the point of whether there is the public appetite in the UK to recognise this and work with the Overseas Territories to find alternatives. The tone of some coverage suggests not, with The Independent characterising efforts by some territories as ‘Tax Havens Demand say in Brexit Negotiations’, a theme eagerly taken up on social media, with few voices questioning why these British communities overseas should not have a voice, whatever legitimate debates there are around tax transparency. Indeed, the Overseas Territories rarely get recognised as communities at all in public debate, featuring generally either as stereotyped romantic or macho symbols of Britain’s might, or as corporate fronts for illicit business. This is not just dehumanising and disrespectful, but a tragic waste of global human resources at a time we should be benefiting from their diverse expertise, networks, skills and outlook.

If some good can come from the destruction caused by Irma and potentially Maria, it should be that, along with the impending transformation that Brexit will bring, we use this as an opportunity for a mature and considered public discussion about the British Overseas Territories. We should take time to consider the costs and benefits of the association, and decide whether we wish to more fully recognise and engage with these diverse British communities, including imaginative thinking about how they might support our collective national influence and advantage in an increasingly turbulent world. If we conclude that the association is an undesirable anachronism, so be it. We owe it to them to help the Territories decide what form of self-government or alternative arrangements they would like. But such a move would send a very clear signal that we are lowering our horizons as a country and as a society at a time we need to be doing the reverse. The alternative is to start treating the British Overseas Territories as the respected, valued and strategical British communities they are. Regardless, the debate is increasingly overdue. If a combination of Brexit and a Hurricane cannot catalyse it, some territories may understandably start drawing their own conclusions. That would be a tragedy, and we may find only then how much such a typically British fit of absent mindedness has cost us all.

The rising tensions around Gibraltar this past week show that many people in the UK care very deeply about Gibraltar, and rightly so. For a number of reasons made only more important by Brexit, and discussed in a previous article for the British Foreign Policy Group, Gibraltar is a unique asset and an important part of the UK’s global role. However, these tensions are also a clear warning of the diplomatic challenges that post-Brexit Britain could face. Much of the British media raucously reacted to the European Council’s proposal to include what effectively would be a Spanish “veto” over Gibraltar in their draft Brexit negotiations guidelines, with Lord Howard even suggesting that “May would be prepared to go to war over Gibraltar”. These comments have had a snowball effect, with inflammatory rhetoric about Gibraltar and Spain escalating in the UK. This ‘noise’ has the potential to be detrimental to the UK’s aims. Not only does it muffle out the UK’s own diplomatic efforts, but it also hinders a more reasoned understanding of the issues at hand among a wider UK audience that has a growing role to play in securing, or frustrating, our national interests in an increasingly complex international environment.

What is the Spanish view of the current Gibraltar ‘affair’?

Our position on Gibraltar has been much covered in the UK – summarised by Boris Johnson : “As ever, the UK remains implacable & rock-like in our support for Gibraltar”. Ensuring we maintain this position whilst maximising UK interests in Brexit negotiations requires not only an understanding of our position, but also of the position of those with whom we are dealing, in this case Spain. Thus far such understanding seems  – at the very least  – limited in much UK commentary.

It is true that the predominant view in Spain has been that the UK Prime Minister, Theresa May, made a strategic “mistake” and appeared “weak” by not mentioning Gibraltar in the UK’s Article 50 letter to the EU, allowing Spain to take the initiative and secure a diplomatic victory and a potential “veto” over Gibraltar in the Brexit negotiations. But despite the talk of a missed opportunity for the UK in the Spanish press, the rhetoric and tone from the Spanish government has not been one of confrontation. The new Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs, Alfonso Dastis, does indeed aim to bring Gibraltar closer to Spain, and has said that Spain “cannot accept aspects such as the question of the airport on territory that wasn’t ceded under the Treaty of Utrecht”. However, his tone is far more conciliatory than that of his predecessor, José Manuel García Margallo. Margallo, only replaced 5 months ago as minister, had stated shortly after the EU referendum vote, that he would “Fly a Spanish flag over Gibraltar sooner than Picardo thinks”.

In contrast to the sensationalist tone employed amongst some UK commentators, there are (or at least were) in fact signs of a Spanish move towards warmer relationships with the UK. On the 25^th of March, a full 6 days before the UK received the EU draft guidelines – Dastis discussed Gibraltar in an in-depth interview with Spanish newspaper ABC. He rejected claims that joint sovereignty was the only solution, stating that “ it takes two to tango”, and that if the UK and Gibraltar do not want joint sovereignty then there is nothing Spain can do about it. Whilst he said that Spain’s interests will be a feature of the Brexit negotiations, he firmly stated (and has re-affirmed since) that Spain would not be taking any reprisals against Gibraltar, highlighting the importance of Gibraltar to the thousands of Spaniards who commute there for work.

Implications and Recommendations

This latest Gibraltar affair has shown how dramatisation by parts of the UK public, press, and parliament, can potentially undermine the broader diplomatic efforts of the UK. This includes the undermining of our international profile as an intelligent and reasonable actor, as seen by Dastis showing surprise at our “uncharacteristic lack of traditional British calm and composure”. More broadly, whether it be threats of military action against Spain, or jokingly naming the efforts to re-engage effectively with the Commonwealth as “Empire 2.0”, the UK risks weakening an otherwise potentially strong position through a combination of sensationalism, insensitivity and a lack of international and historical awareness. May’s strategy to laugh off talk of war is undoubtedly the correct one, but risks being overwhelmed by wider heightened rhetoric. Increasing the frequency and improving the quality of discussion across the whole of the UK on UK foreign policy issues is one effective way of allowing for a deeper national understanding of foreign policy which would help avoid this kind of situation.

In a digital world where everyone has a voice, and that voice can reach further than ever before, official state-to-state diplomacy is just one element in the maximising of our national interests. The rising popular element to international diplomacy is playing an ever-increasing role in determining the UK’s future as a global actor. A successful post-Brexit Britain will require a strong commitment to diplomatic values and expertise as we reconfigure and rethink our different networks of global partners. However, it will only succeed with popular support and informed engagement across the UK. The British Foreign Policy Group offers a platform for the UK to run both a successful and innovative rethink of its foreign policy alongside a truly national engagement on how to secure the best outcomes for all our people.

If the UK can achieve these goals and apply them to the Brexit negotiations, there is little reason to believe Spain will actively pursue its theoretical power to veto a UK-EU deal. What this inflated row around Gibraltar does demonstrate is the importance of the UK pulling together in a reasoned and informed manner. It is this that will allow us to secure the deals and relationships required to maintain and extend the UK’s position as a respected and influential global power in a post-Brexit world.

Brexit has been a catalyst for the UK to re-think and re-establish its role in the world. It has also led Spain to continue pushing forward it plans for joint sovereignty of Gibraltar with renewed vigour. Gibraltar, much like the rest of the UK’s overseas territories, represents a unique asset that plays a crucial part in maintaining and developing the UK’s role in the world. There are 4 primary reasons why we should care.

1) Democracy
By matter of principle, the UK should support Gibraltar’s right to decide its own future, which as the recent referendum in 2002 showed, is overwhelmingly in favour of remaining a British Overseas territory. The UK has previously determinedly stated that it will “never enter an agreement on sovereignty, without the agreement of the Government of Gibraltar and its people”. This can be seen simply as the UK continuing to adhere to one of the key principles of the UN Charter (Art.1.2), that of equal rights and self-determination, a strategy which ensures a continued stability of the international legal order. The British Foreign Policy Group is a firm believer that the UK should use its role within the international legal system to continue to promote both the international order and its foreign policy aims. Therefore, out of principle, it is in the UK’s interest that Gibraltar’s decision with regards to sovereignty remains respected and protected.

2) Economics
Gibraltar has important economic benefits for the UK. The financial sector, accounting for 33% of its GDP is a key aspect, with “67 insurers with £9.95bn in total assets, 13 banks, 72 trust and company service providers, 14 pension fund administrators, and 17 audit firms”. Equally, it is the home to 60% of all global online casino and gaming business, as well as being an important tourist destination. Gibraltar is also importantly interconnected with Spain, with over 10,000 people crossing the border for work on a daily basis. This interdependence is often used by the Spanish as a bargaining tool, threatening to close the border. However, this interdependence should be viewed by the UK as an opportunity to further build ties and reduce political tension.

3) Security and Trade
A quick glance at a map already tells us about one of Gibraltar’s primary assets: its location. The potential to control (or indeed to avoid other nations control) over the straits of Gibraltar puts the UK in a unique and privileged role internationally. For example, half the world’s trade passes through the strait, as do many of the world’s telecommunications submarine cables. Equally, its location allows Gibraltar to hold an important military and defence related role. The loss of Gibraltar would not just undermine the security of the UK, but of the entire Mediterranean, and the trade flows and information that pass through it.

4) Geopolitics
The issue of Gibraltar shows that no aspect of our foreign policy, can be undertaken without a continuous comparison to the UK’s global outlook. Whilst the issue of Gibraltar might at first sight appear to be an issue between Spain and the UK, the 25th “Cumbre Iberoamericana” (a yearly summit held by the Organisation of Ibero-American State-OEI), held only a few weeks ago, shows that it extends to our relations with the whole of the Hispanic and Portuguese speaking world. These 22 countries have backed Spain’s claim to joint sovereignty of Gibraltar, whilst also backing a “dialogue over the Falklands” between the UK and Argentina. We cannot therefore look at Gibraltar as an issue just between the UK and Spain, or even as an EU issue related issue. The UK’s level of engagement with Spanish and Portuguese countries around the world will influence much they will continue to support the Spanish or UK position on Gibraltar. Conversely the UK’s relations with Spain will undoubtedly have an effect on our relationships with this increasingly economically important bloc of 22 countries.

Why Should We Care?

A large part of the UK’s important role in the international system is down to its history as a global actor. The UK should continue to strike the balance between accepting and working to mitigate its contested role as a former colonial power, whilst at the same time using its overseas territories to promote positive UK values, positions and justify its presence as a global force for good. The UK cannot easily change its position on Gibraltar without upsetting this balance. In a time of uncertainty and re-evaluation surrounding the UK’s position in the world, Gibraltar remains a rock in our strategic and symbolic advantage that ensures the UK’s role as a truly global power. It is therefore all the more important as Brexit in some form approaches that the UK develops greater focus and revitalises proactive diplomatic and political efforts to ensure the people of Gibraltar can feel confident they will remain citizens in a strategic and valued part of the UK.