Whilst this will be easier said than done from London-centric Whitehall departments, Johnson is lucky in that regional governments have already, in large part, taken redefining their international engagement into their own hands. 

Manchester is a telling example: the ‘success story’ of the so-called Northern Powerhouse project, its economy saw 42% of growth between 2002 and 2012, and it is now the 12th most popular destination for foreign direct investment globally. Due to exceptional city leadership and an international vision, Manchester has in many ways successfully taken control of its narrative to become one of the best placed cities in the UK to prosper after Brexit.

As narrowing regional inequalities become a key driver of the new government’s agenda, Whitehall has begun to increasingly focus its attention on cities like Manchester – and integrate local leadership into previously-centralised foreign policy decisions. And with a new wave of Conservative MPs in regional seats that have historically voted Labour, there is more commitment among politicians who are unlikely to allow the Prime Minister’s pledges on ‘levelling up’ to fade away as mere campaign slogans.

This has translated into a newfound interest in asking cities and regions around the country how they can become economic and cultural powerhouses – true global cities – in their own right, with well-allocated support from the government. From Dundee to Liverpool and Cardiff to Birmingham, the distinct cultures and assets of many British cities provide an ideal platform from which they can continue to grow.

It is clear from our work at the British Foreign Policy Group that the cities, regions and nations of the UK increasingly have their own organic links with international actors that have rarely, if ever, been considered at the national level. Tom Cargill, Executive Chair of the BFPG, cites examples from Manchester’s growing links with cities in India and China, to Plymouth’s initiative with Dutch and US counterparts to celebrate 400 years since the sailing of the Mayflower to illustrate the growing fragmentation of international links and the policy decisions that arise from them.

The business links and foreign policy priorities of the UK’s regions certainly address some of the key issues facing the government today, contributing to increasing collaboration between Whitehall and local governments. Cities have consistently been on the front lines of climate policy in the UK, for example, and South Wales has grown to become a global hub for the cyber-security industry as cyber becomes a central aspect of the UK’s national security agenda.

The slow devolution of national power over the last few decades – notably with the establishment of metro Mayors in Manchester, Teeside, the West Midlands and more, has given cities and regions a license to accelerate their own international relationships and develop initiatives distinct from the plans of central government. This freedom has permitted local councils to develop their own visions for international engagement based on the priorities and strengths of their constituencies. 

This is not an isolated phenomenon. As links grow between cities around the world and national governments become less fit for purpose in determining local foreign policy priorities, trends toward grassroots foreign policy have taken hold in democratic and more authoritarian states alike. Alberta, Canada, is a great example, with provincial offices in Asia, Europe and the Americas. Gothenburg and Lodz – with Liverpool being a strong British example – send their own official representatives to the European Union in Brussels rather than simply relying on national government.

In many areas, regional leadership in foreign policy – or paradiplomacy – is hugely sophisticated and comprehensive. There are around 125 multilateral arrangements of subnational governments, and notable examples include the Local Governments for Sustainability (ICLEI) and the United Cities and Local Governments (UCLG).

The challenge for the United Kingdom is enabling our growing cities to keep up with the increasing complexity of the UK’s international links – as our relationship with Europe changes, and new relationships begin to be forged across the world.

This article originally appeared in the Manchester Gazette.

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Whilst the outpouring of aid for disaster relief, and anger at the crisis in Australia is heartening for those of us that want urgent climate action, we need to see this level of response for every major climate crisis if we are to build a strong consensus behind climate action. 

One of the key, overlooked aspects of the fight against climate change, is how disproportionately developing countries are affected. Problems such as an underdeveloped sewage system in Jakarta, and the limited availability of tap water, have exacerbated the disaster. 

The hypocrisy in the climate diplomacy debate

There is certainly hypocrisy at the heart of the climate debate which must be addressed. India, and other countries in South Asia, have called for Britain and the West to sacrifice some luxuries before asking developing countries to cut their greenhouse gas emissions. Indeed, Indonesia is one of the world’s largest emitters of greenhouse gases primarily because of the way it manages its land. Farmers are making way for palm oil plantations by burning forests, in order to keep up with rising global demand.

According to the Phillipines’ President Rodrigo Duterte, climate change is the fault of major, developed economies such as the United States, Britain and China. In 2016, he argued: ‘You can pay poor countries (like the Philippines) to forego cheap, dirty fossil fuels. Or, he says, our politicians will chuck your United Nations-brokered climate change treaty in the trash.’

The comment was crude, but the point made is not ridiculous. There are plenty of examples of climate change becoming an integral aspect of foreign policy in this way – through climate diplomacy and targeted climate aid. Norway, for example, paid Guyana to reduce its rate of deforestation over the course of a decade; and reports at the end of 2019 suggested the move had been a success. Similar moves were made by Germany and Norway in Brazil, before they were halted due to a dispute with Brazilian President Jair Bolsanaro. 

How the UK can lead the way on climate diplomacy

The UK can similarly make climate diplomacy a key aspect of its foreign policy, as we move into the new decade with serious questions on our international strategy. Taking a lead on the pressing issues of the day can give Britain an important role as a convener on foreign policy debates, and help us establish a position as a link between different parts of the world – from Europe to the United States and the Commonwealth. By making climate diplomacy, and climate aid, a defining feature of a forward-looking foreign policy, the UK can not only tone down the hypocrisy that has marred the debate, but carve out important relationships as it moves beyond Brexit.

2020 has been labelled by climate experts as a pivotal year in avoiding the worst effects of climate change. Chris Stark, of the Committee on Climate Change, the group behind the government’s adoption of the ‘net zero by 2050’ target, says ‘2020 must be the year of action’. He marks COP26, to be held in Glasgow this November, as the time by which the UK ‘must have its house in order’, by preparing for the changing climate, making priorities for cutting UK emissions to Net Zero, and taking climate leadership. Having the UK’s ‘house in order’ too, will give Britain legitimacy to act as a climate leader on the world stage. 

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Speakers:

• Peter Foster, Europe Editor at The Telegraph
• Georgina Wright, Senior Researcher, Brexit Team, Institute for Government
• Matthew O’Toole, former No 10 Brexit Spokesperson, political commentator on Ireland and Northern Ireland
• Alberto Nardelli, Europe Editor at Buzzfee
• Marie Le Conte, Political Journalist and author of ‘Haven’t You Heard? Gossip, Power & How Politics Really Works.’
• Sophia Gaston (Chair,) Director of the British Foreign Policy Group

Leaving the European Union has been promoted as an opportunity to realise ‘a truly Global Britain’ – strengthening our relations with other international allies, such as the Commonwealth and the United States, and opening our engagement with developing economies around the world. 

Whether or not we are able to forge these new relationships, it is evident that geography and the evolving world order means we will also need to continue to work closely on a number of levels with our European neighbours. Issues such as climate change, defence, security and intelligence, data rights and media freedoms, lend themselves to international cooperation, and will continue to grow in importance over the coming years. 

The fractious nature of the Brexit debate has at times put strain on our relations with the EU and with individual member states, and our relations will necessarily need to evolve as we transition towards becoming a ‘third country’. Therefore, there is an urgent need to reimagine and renew our relations with the EU and with our allies in Europe. In this event, we will discuss the nature of the challenge, where Britain should prioritise its efforts, and why our European neighbours should also seize this opportunity to reinvest in the UK-EU relationship.

Please arrive from 18:00 for a prompt start at 18:30.

The event will be livestreamed on our Twitter and photos will be taken. If you have any questions regarding the event, please don’t hesitate to contact katarina@bfpg.co.uk.

Tickets can be reserved here.

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23 Grafton Street

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